"The fight against fascism must be waged as a mass struggle. [...] It is a struggle in which everyone, absolutely everyone, must participate."

Hermann Remmele

INTRODUCTION

Hermann Remmele is one of the best-known communist fighters against fascism and, at the same time, one of the best-known victims of Stalinism. His story is marked by a lifelong politicisation that would later cost him his life. As one of the most important figures within German communism in the 1920s and 1930s, he also helped shape the Anti-Fascist Action as leader of the League Against Fascism. Having fled the newly established Nazi state, he became a victim of Stalinism in the Soviet Union in the 1930s. After being forced to withdraw from political life, he was later murdered by the NKVD (Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR) on false charges. He thus represents all German communists who fled and became victims of Stalinism.

THE STORY

Politicisation in his youth

Born into the Remmele milling family, Hermann experienced frequent moves during his childhood. Since his father, Peter Remmele, regularly changed mills, sometimes to customer mills or to his own mill, they were forced to constantly relocate. Although Hermann was born in Ziegelhausen near Heidelberg, unlike his older brothers Adam (born in Altneudorf) and Peter (born in Durlach), he spent most of his childhood in different places. He lived in Altneudorf for two years and in Budenheim for one year, but spent most of his time in Ludwigshafen am Rhein.[1]

In this town, he not only completed his primary school education, but also began and completed his apprenticeship as an iron turner. During this period, he also became politicised, influenced primarily by his family, but also by his apprenticeship. He joined the SPD and also became involved in the German Metalworkers’ Union. As a man who became politically active at an early age, he became politically active for the SPD at the age of 17. [2] Even back then, his commitment was characterised by personal initiative. During his military service, he was not only one of the first to recruit illegally in barracks, but also played an important role in founding the Baden Workers’ Youth Movement. [3]

From revisionist to socialist

Little is known about what happened between his military service from 1901 to 1903 and the end of his apprenticeship in 1898. Only his journeyman’s travels are documented.[4] What seems clear in any case is that his travels did little to change his understanding of politics. A similar assessment can be made for the years 1903 to 1907. Little is known about this period of his life either. Only his move back to Ludwigshafen seems to be certain. However, an important year in his life stands out at the end of this long gap. In 1907, he not only married his wife Anna, née Lauer, but his daughter Hedwig Remmele was also born. Following these joyful changes, he moved with his newly founded family to Mannheim, one of the centres of political life in Baden. This gave his political career a new boost. [5] He mobilised young people for social democracy in various youth associations and was secretary of the International Conference of Socialist Youth Organisations. [6] and even attended the SPD party school in Berlin afterwards.[7]

Thanks to the studies and contacts he was able to establish in Berlin, it became clear to Remmele that he would distance himself from the revisionist [8] side of the Baden SPD in order to join the left wing of the SPD. Influenced by his contact with Ludwig Frank and his origins in the Ludwigshafen SPD led by Franz Josef Ehrhart, he had previously been part of the revisionist SPD. [9] After returning to Mannheim, Remmele became a party official for the SPD. [10] It is not known whether his official status continued during his time at the Leipziger Volkszeitung. However, without having previously attended the party school, such journalistic work would not have been possible, as he had trained as an iron turner. Supported by his attendance at the SPD party school, he gained journalistic experience that would prove important for his party work. Not only for his work on newspapers such as the Mannheim SPD newspaper Volksstimme from 1910 to 1914, but also for his agitation work. [11] While working at the Volksstimme, his wife Anna also gave birth to their son Helmut Remmele. [12]

In addition to expanding his political skills, another development in his political views can be seen, a kind of radicalisation. This was a rather unusual development for a member of the SPD in Baden at that time. He worked for the Mannheim discussion club ‘Karl Marx’ [13] and maintained lively correspondence with left-wing SPD delegates. In his letters, he made his position clear: ‘Of course we will not hide away in our mouse holes in the face of overwhelming superiority.’[14]

Radicalisation around the November Revolution

In 1914, global political tensions came to the fore, culminating in the outbreak of the First World War in late July and early August. The war marked not only a turning point in history, but also in Remmele’s life. Like many other Germans and Europeans, he was called up for military service to fight on the Western Front. [15] But even during this time, he did not remain politically inactive. Even while serving as a soldier during the war, he continued to work in the left-wing opposition of the SPD. This was a difficult undertaking, as he spent most of his time at the front and was therefore unable to engage in much politics in his homeland. However, he made good use of the time he did spend at home. During a short leave from the front in 1916, he formed and organised the remaining non-revisionists in his hometown of Mannheim into a local association. [16] Through the new organisation, these opposition figures continued to engage in politics even in Remmele’s absence. In doing so, they aligned themselves with a new movement that had spread among the Social Democrats during the war. It was a more radical movement that distanced itself from reforms but delved deeper into class struggle. The movement later merged into the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany, or USPD for short. Remmele’s political career was also decisively influenced by the USPD. He himself became a founding member of the USPD in 1917 and quickly rose to a position of influence within the party. This marked another important step towards his communist convictions.

After the November Revolution and thus also after the end of the First World War, Remmele continued his involvement in the USPD, playing an important role particularly in Mannheim and Baden. Already during the November Revolution, he established himself as district secretary of Baden and the Palatinate [17] with other important USPD members in Mannheim, the Mannheim Workers’ and Soldiers’ Council [18].

As an important member within the council, he was later called to join the workers’ and soldiers’ councils for Baden. There, he already propagated a socialist world revolution that was also supposed to bring about a council republic in Germany. However, his efforts did not really bear fruit, either globally, nationally or locally. As is well known, a global or Germany-wide socialist revolution did not materialise. He also suffered setbacks with the USPD at the local level. Unlike the SPD, the USPD did not enter the Baden state parliament. His brother Adam, then an important figure in the Baden SPD, was in the state parliament, unlike Hermann. The two brothers had been rivals even before this, and from this point on at the latest, they no longer spoke to each other. [19]

The council republic in Mannheim, which was prepared and actively shaped by the USPD and Hermann, was also short-lived. However, this did not deter Hermann Remmele. Despite the initial political setbacks he suffered, he remained politically active and continued to fight for a more just world, even though his political home would change in the course of events.

Turn towards communism

Around the time of the First World War, there were many changes in Remmele’s life. Although he continued to live in Mannheim for the time being, his party status changed several times within a few years. While he still held important positions within the USPD (member of the Reichstag, secretary and editor for the Württemberg regional association [20], he argued that the USPD should become part of the Communist International[21]. From this point on, it was clear to Hermann Remmele that his political views were no longer social democratic, but left-wing socialist or communist. This was an attitude that would remain unchanged throughout his life. Remmele was certain that he had committed himself to communism. He did not remain idle in his pursuit of the goal of communism. Like many other communists, he switched from the USPD to the Communist Party of Germany, a party that emerged from the USPD. As part of the unification party conference, Remmele switched to the VKPD, later known simply as the KPD. From the beginning of the change, he took over a party secretariat and was thus part of the Central Committee. [22]. From the very beginning, he held top positions in the party. He turned his back on local politics in Mannheim, Baden and Württemberg and focused on national politics instead. Here, too, he was quite successful. His family’s change of residence also reflected this shift: first they moved from Mannheim to Stuttgart, and then from Stuttgart to Berlin [23].

However, Remmele still had to find his political place within the party. Although he was also considered a member of the left wing within the KPD, he often worked across party lines with other communists within the party. [24]. Towards the end, he was primarily part of the ultra-left wing around Heinz Neumann, while in the mid-1920s he tended to be more centrist and, especially in the early days, could be attributed to the “right-wing” Brandler Group, which was responsible for the “German October”. [25]

The “German October”

After joining the new party, Remmele initially worked closely with the Brandler group, which at that time more or less represented the KPD party leadership [26]. Heinrich Brandler’s approach, contrary to what many in the party wanted, was to work with the left wing of the SPD in order to realise the dream of a workers’ government. This tactic proved successful as the crisis year of 1923 approached, bringing with it the French occupation of the Ruhr. This was because in many circles, including within the Comintern (Communist International) in Russia, the escalation of the conflict was seen as an opportunity for revolution [27]. In cooperation with the left wing of the SPD, a general strike was to be organised to overthrow the Cuno Reich government and install a workers’ government. This goal and the preparations for that revolution became known within the KPD and Comintern as ‘German October’ or ‘October 1923’. [28]

But hopes for a real revolution quickly faded. Even back then, fascist and nationalist movements were already active within the Reich, especially within the Reichswehr, and disrupted the attempts. In addition, the majority of the SPD under Friedrich Ebert acted against the revolutionaries and, after the end of the Cuno government, formed a government with the DVP under Stresemann [29]. This meant that not only did the goal of a communist council republic seem a long way off again, but also agreement on a united front against the nationalist forces.

The failed revolution had serious consequences for the Brandler group in any case. Thanks to Stalin’s position in the Comintern and as the most important backer of the KPD, he undermined the group and attempted to hand over power to the left wing of the party [30]. Remmele himself escaped dismissal, even though he too, as part of the central committee, had played a key role in the attempted revolution. He went into hiding for some time under the pseudonym ‘Werner Luchholdt’ (he was wanted throughout Germany) and later joined the middle group in the KPD, an internal opposition movement within the party. Remmele himself escaped dismissal, even though he too, as part of the central committee, had played a key role in the attempted revolution. He went into hiding for some time under the pseudonym ‘Werner Luchholdt’ (he was wanted throughout Germany) and later joined the middle group in the KPD, an internal opposition movement within the party.[31]. Due to his shift towards the centrist group, he was appointed party chairman by the Comintern in Moscow in the spring of 1924 for a transitional period. He retained this position for the time being, until the left-wing forces around Thälmann took over the party [32]. The shift towards left-wing party leadership was also the work of Stalin, who was trying to further expand his power. But even the KPD grassroots now saw hope in the left wing [33].

For Remmele, this period was once again marked by many upheavals, which ultimately catapulted him to the top of the party. However, he was well aware of the problems that lay ahead. Fascism gained strength in the mid-1920s and would continue to spread throughout the rest of Remmele’s life. In contrast, Remmele’s fight against this new power also grew stronger. It was a fight he was already engaged in at the time and would continue to fight. However, he could not foresee that Stalin would later pose a problem for him. On the contrary, at that time he was a friend of Stalin, like many other communists.

At the top of German communism

Even after the left wing took power, Remmele remained part of the party leadership, making him one of the most important communists in Germany. He joined the Politburo in 1924 and thus played a decisive role in shaping the party line. [34] He became equally important within the international communist movement. In 1925, he was elected to the Presidium of the Comintern, which made him one of the most important communist politicians in Germany [35]. There he worked alongside Thälmann, which enabled him to establish good contacts with the top leadership. At that time, he and Thälmann were still promoting Stalinism and Stalinised the KPD [36], a development that would later prove fatal for him.

While Thälmann had to go into hiding for some time, Remmele became the most important figure within the party. Not only did he become political leader in Berlin-Brandenburg in 1925 [37], but through his influence in the Comintern, he also became editor-in-chief of the KPD’s central organ, “Die Rote Fahne” (The Red Flag) [38]. This put him in the most important position for shaping public opinion within the party. It also allowed him to publicly represent the party’s views, thereby achieving the most important campaign function within the party itself. Even after losing his position as editor-in-chief in 1926, he remained one of the most important opinion leaders within the party until 1932 as editor-in-chief of Die Internationale, only this time as a theorist. [39]

“Die Rote Fahne” from 23. November 1918

While Remmele was still a member of the Reichstag, he was summoned to Moscow by Stalin himself in May 1928. There, he was initially supposed to continue working in the Presidium of the Comintern [40]. However, just a few months later, in October, he had to return to Germany to secure Thälmann’s position in the KPD for Stalin [41]. Thälmann’s support led to the formation of a triumvirate in 1929 between Thälmann, Remmele and Neumann. Remmele had thus reached the peak of his ability to shape the party. Opportunities arose that could only have been curbed by Stalin’s power in the KPD. For Stalin’s desired ultra-left course in the KPD had finally been achieved. A course that gave Stalin power and might even have hindered the fight against fascism. [42]

Fight against fascism (Anti-Fascist Action)

As is generally known, the years surrounding the global economic crisis were a time when National Socialism experienced a powerful upswing within Germany. Many people in Germany became unemployed or lived in poverty. For many, this led to radicalisation. For most of them, this radicalisation led them to the right, to the NSDAP, but for many it also led them to the left, to the KPD. This development was also recognised by the triumvirate under Remmele, who wanted to bring about a change in the party line. In his work ‘Schritt Halten!’ (Keep Pace!), he advocated a tougher course against the NSDAP, but also against the ‘social fascists’ in the SPD[43]. There, he accused the reformists – a position he himself had held a few years earlier – of being the breeding ground for the NSDAP [44]. However, he also emphasised that he believed that ‘exaggerations and hyperbole in this area in particular would cause utter confusion and lead to nothing less than […] the destruction of all our class-based concepts’. [45]. He went on to write: ‘United front “far beyond the scope of free trade union and social democratic organised workers”. So a united front with social democratic workers is expressly prescribed here.’ [46] and ‘The party must actively promote the radicalisation of the working class and […] support all tendencies among the membership of the SPD and the Reichsbanner.’ [47].

At the same time, Remmele saw the SPD as a threat, but also as a new opportunity to bring more workers over to the side of the united front. Unlike the Mercian theory [48] Within the KPD, Remmele saw an opportunity for a united front against fascism and for communism. The problem, however, was that Remmele continued to assume that social fascism existed within the party structures of the SPD. This made cooperation with the SPD difficult. His opposition to the SPD went so far that he saw a ‘process of fascistisation emanating from the state power and involving all bourgeois parties, especially the SPD’ [49]. The focus should therefore shift away from party work and towards agitating the proletariat. The aim was to build a united front from below. Remmele believed that ‘the fight against fascism must be waged as a mass struggle. […] It is a struggle in which everyone, absolutely everyone, must participate.’ [50]

Hermann Remmele (around 1930), public domain

With this view, Remmele ultimately took on the internal party task of combating fascism. An important part of this struggle was leading the ‘Kampfbund gegen den Faschismus’ (Fighting League Against Fascism). Contrary to what its name suggests, this anti-fascist fighting league was not armed, as according to party policy this was reserved for the secret Red Front Fighters’ League. [51] Under Remmele, the ‘Fighting League Against Fascism’ was supposed to fight fascism in a way that would get people’s attention, like through rallies, public discussions, exposing the Nazis, demonstrations, handing out flyers, and defending working-class neighbourhoods. The aim was to prevent the National Socialists from agitating the unemployed, most of whom were still communists, for their cause [52]. However, although this was not intended by the Kampfbund, there were also acts of violence and killings of Nazis by communists. The KPD usually justified these acts of violence by pointing to the brutality of the National Socialists themselves. This sometimes got out of hand, especially during the Kampfbund period. Without Remmele’s instigation and despite later condemnation by the party leadership (including Remmele himself), several terrorist attacks were carried out against the NSDAP, SA and police around 1931. [53] This partial loss of control can be explained by the size of the association. The mass organisation had around 100,000 members in 1931, but Remmele’s goal of agitating social democratic workers was not achieved despite this large membership. [54]

The large membership of the Kampfbund can also be explained by its affiliation with the Antifascist Action. This was created in May 1932 on Thälmann’s advice. The trigger for its founding was the attack by National Socialist MPs on Communist MPs, during which the Communists were beaten out of the Prussian state parliament. [55]

Poster announcing a demonstration rally with speaker Hermann Remmele from 1932. © Württembergische Landesbibliothek / Bibliothek für Zeitgeschichte, Archivsignatur des Plakats: 3.6/90

Betrayal of the party, escape and murder

During his time as leader of the Kampfbund, Remmele was more or less regarded as the ‘highest party leader’ [56] in the KPD and thus as the most important communist in Germany. In this position, Remmele sought above all to take stronger action against the NSDAP. To achieve this, Hermann Remmele attempted to have Thälmann, Stalin’s closest confidant in the Reich, removed from the Politburo with Neumann’s help. Unlike Neumann and Remmele, Thälmann continued to see the SPD as the main enemy. This was a view that Remmele could not understand due to his work in the Kampfbund. [57]

But their attempt failed. Neumann was expelled from the Central Committee, the party and the Comintern. Remmele himself initially received a warning, but in 1933 he too was removed from the Political Secretariat and Office. [58]. However, Remmele and most of his family did not experience the changes described above or the rise of the Nazi regime in Germany, but in Moscow. He had been working there for the Comintern since August 1932 [59]. He refrained from returning to his homeland of Germany, as death awaited him there. A nationwide manhunt was launched for him.

His life and that of his family in Russia were marked by discrimination and slander. After further contact with Neumann, he was forced to make a public self-criticism and end his political career; he was only allowed to continue working in the Comintern. [60]. In 1937, he was arrested by the NKVD, followed later by his wife and, before that, his son. Helmut Remmele was shot by the NKVD in 1938, and Anna Remmele was exiled to Siberia after 18 months in prison, where she died in 1947.

The charge against Hermann Remmele was: ‘Participation in a counter-revolutionary terrorist organisation’, referring to the Neumann-Remmele group [61]. Just minutes before his arrest, he said of the Stalinist purges: ‘There’s a reason for everything. It’s all right.’ [62].

He was finally sentenced on 7 March 1939 and shot on the same day at the Donskoye Cemetery in Moscow. [63] His daughter Hedwig Remmele was exiled to Siberia, but was allowed to leave for the GDR in August 1956, where she fought for her father’s rehabilitation.

Author: Jan Brinkmann

Contact: info@fritz-bauer-forum.de

Sources and bibliography:

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Schuhmacher, Ernst: „Wir haben gelogen. Wir sind an allem selber schuld.“. Niederschrift eines Gespräches mit Hedwig Remmele, in: „Utopie kreativ“ 107 (1999), S. 61 – 69. Online abrufbar unter: https://www.rosalux.de/fileadmin/rls_uploads/pdfs/107_Schumacher.pdf, letzter Abruf 02.01.2026.

Vatlin, Alexander: Zur Frage der „Russifizierung der Komintern, in: Buckmiller, Michael; Mechkat, Klaus (Hgg.): Biographisches Handbuch zur Geschichte der Kommunistischen Internationale. Ein deutsch-russisches Forschungsprojekt, Berlin 2007, S. 329 – 345.

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Footnotes: